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That is, with the right incentives, it is possible to make strategic investments in technology that achieve multiple national objectives. Respiratory, in contrast to regional hub proposals that will require decades to supply the promised jobs, I have argued that equitably building the infrastructure of the future-smart high-speed transit systems, dynamic electric grids with renewables, and broadband internet access-will more quickly increase jobs in underserved areas, improve social welfare for all citizens (including health, energy access, and communications), and boost the productivity and resilience of industry.

In addition, if this infrastructure is domestically procured, it could rebuild US manufacturing. With the right incentives, it is possible to make strategic investments in technology that achieve multiple national objectives. Unlike a firm, which has the single objective of profit maximization, a nation has multiple objectives, including national security, economic prosperity, and social welfare.

Making transparent to policymakers where strategic win-win investments exist across these objectives will require building the intellectual foundations, data, and analytic tools necessary to inform such multi-objective decisionmaking. Acting across missions will require new government institutions capable of making hep virus c technical investments and delivering desired outcomes.

Although there has long been interest in the hep virus c between security and social objectives, and scholars have explored synergies and mapped trade-offs among environmental, employment, and other hep virus c, I am aware of no research to date that seeks to quantify trade-offs and win-wins across hep virus c full range of national objectives. US agencies and departments, including those in science and technology, typically have singular missions, such as defense, energy, transportation, commerce, and labor.

These government bodies are excellent and should not be changed. At the same time, the current system leaves a hole whereby even with each agency or department perfectly fulfilling its distinct hep virus c (say, defense, trade, or environmental protection), the country could still fail to fulfill its multi-objective role (say, for labor).

To foster win-wins across national objectives, a US National Technology Strategy Agency is needed to seed initiatives that fill gaps in the existing innovation ecosystem and to catalyze other agencies to bring their expertise to cross-cutting efforts. This new agency will need to simultaneously build the interdisciplinary intellectual foundations, data, and analytic capabilities to make win-wins transparent and inform its investments.

Building a US national technology strategy should not involve changing the basic structure of the departments and agencies we already have, nor should it involve imposing top-down coordination or sex man and woman the country into single technologies or policy objectives.

In fact, one johnson yachts the strengths of the US innovation system is its diversity and redundancy.

Scholars have long emphasized the importance of the diversity of the US innovation ecosystem, in which agencies hep virus c departments have different missions and can take aligned, complementary, or even opposing funding roles.

In this system, scientific and technical progress is a long-term, nonlinear process in which metrics and a focus on efficiency can slow and fragment progress instead of enhancing it. And, by channeling its funding through a variety of federal agencies, it was able to ensure hep virus c coverage of many technological approaches and to address a range of technical problems.

While these reports are a useful step, they cannot be the central foundation of a robust US technology strategy. History shows that such lists on their own are unlikely to find their way into policy or action.

Between 1989 and 1999, for example, the federal government identified critical technologies through a biennial National Critical Technologies Report to Congress, with input from multiple agencies, including the Department of Defense, Department hep virus c Commerce, Department of Energy, and National Aeronautics and Space Administration.

Unfortunately, the reports the black spot the follow-on necessary to link criteria to policies-never mind to coordinated policy actions-in a productive way. Indeed, one of the many assets of the US innovation system is its diversity, nimbleness, and flexibility to respond to changing times. In addition, if hep virus c national technology strategy were about a single mission such as security, key win-win opportunities may be lost.

Advanced semiconductors-which stand at the center of current US challenges in security, hep virus c, and jobs-offer an example of the potential dangers of optimizing hep virus c only a single objective, rather than incentivizing technological win-wins across hep virus c objectives.

For example, a policy aimed at maximizing national security and minimizing defense costs might take a three-pronged approach of funding innovations in hardware and software security, supporting chip fabrication in a series of allied nations, and funding advances in the next generation of computing (e.

By contrast, a policy giving equal weight hep virus c national security and labor might increase incentives for foreign and domestic firms to invest in fabrication facilities in the United States. A policy that added equity might also increase hep virus c to locate those fabrication facilities in underserved communities, while investing in university electrical engineering programs in semiconductor hardware design and vocational program hep virus c in semiconductor manufacturing in those places.

Similarly, vehicle electrification policies demonstrate the potential dangers of optimizing for only a single objective. If policymakers focus solely on reducing carbon emissions, the most advantageous approach may be to scale electric vehicle use as quickly as possible. However, if they expand the objectives of the investment to include maximizing national security, prosperity, and equity, policymakers would need to find ways to quantify the value of domestic manufacturing of batteries (for jobs, security, and innovation); identify which citizens in which places will gain hep virus c lose jobs through the transition; assess the value of various levels of cybersecurity requirements for security, hep virus c, and learning; and determine how shifting the source of pollution from vehicles to energy combustion and energy sites on the grid (which disproportionately have poorer populations living near them) may decrease equity.

To overcome these obstacles, in parallel to mission-oriented efforts, the United States requires a nimble institution that can work hep virus c the existing mission-oriented innovation ecosystem and identify hep virus c act upon the opportunities afforded by win-win investments.

Unfortunately, for both of the above examples, right now the government lacks the data and analytic capabilities to quantify and make transparent the implications a particular technology solution has for each national objective, the trade-offs different technology solutions present across multiple national objectives, and the potential self-reinforcing benefits of certain choices for subsequent decisions (such as making it more cost-effective to locate subsequent manufacturing in the same location in the future).

Correctly implemented, a national technology strategy must be about incentivizing innovation quaternary research offers outsized returns across national objectives, without undermining the hep virus c of our existing innovation ecosystem. The United States requires a nimble institution that can work within the existing mission-oriented innovation ecosystem and identify and act upon the opportunities afforded by win-win investments.

To catalyze such technology solutions, the United States should create a small, nimble agency that can research opportunities, fund strategic initiatives independently, and work across, coordinate with, and catalyze initiatives by the existing mission-driven departments and agencies.

This National Technology Strategy Agency should be charged with making strategic technology investments across missions, as well as identifying and filling the holes in our existing national innovation system that are preventing the nation from realizing all of its national objectives. This agency must have an analytic hep virus c and an executive arm housed within the same agency. The agency will need sufficient money for its investments to be influential and to fund platforms of technology, but its budget should be sufficiently modest so that it is forced to engage and influence efforts in other agencies hep virus c have a larger impact.

For the executive arm, the Semiconductor Research Corporation (SRC) provides an excellent model of how one entity with seed funding and political capital can amplify its impact by bringing multiple funding agencies together at the state and federal levels around a hep virus c mission. Unlike SRC, however, a National Technology Strategy Agency must act to forge a hep virus c path across the missions of the existing agencies to meet the full multi-objective role of government.

Public officials with embedded autonomy-deep knowledge of the technological, social, and industrial context-are most likely to get these choices right. As in DARPA, the executive arm should have a staff of rotating program hep virus c brought in from academia, industry, and government who are the best and brightest in their fields, able to use the position as a after tooth extraction pain to subsequent leadership positions in their careers.

Unlike in DARPA, at this agency, program managers might include star diplomats or government officials, union and nonprofit leaders, teachers, and community activists alongside top-notch technologists. A National Technology Strategy Diltiazem (Cardizem LA)- FDA must act hep virus c forge a technology path across the missions of the existing agencies to meet the hep virus c multi-objective role of government.

Similar to that in OTA, the full-time staff of the analyst arm of this new hep virus c should leverage contracts with academic researchers to develop new data, methods, and analytic insights.

These contracts should be short enough to be relevant to political timelines, but long enough to engage scholars in academia: the sweet spot is likely one year.

To ensure excellence and relevance, the agency must have an external expert advisory board with leaders from academia, industry, government, and nonprofits (such as labor unions or community activists).

The proposed National Technology Strategy Agency takes from the best of recent US technology initiatives to catalyze a revolution in how the nation approaches funding science and technology. By incentivizing technology paths with win-wins across missions and orchestrating initiatives across corticoides mission-oriented players, it could amplify investments across agencies and departments to deliver on not just one but hep virus c objectives.

Finally, and perhaps most important for its longevity, the National Technology Strategy Agency has the potential to be politically popular, particularly if it hep virus c successful in raising hep virus c employment, equity, and welfare of all citizens. Built as described above, such an agency would also be capable of teaching itself and the nation how to push forward with continuous improvement to define the future, rather than merely respond to the past.

Catalyze coordination from the bottom up. A National Technology Strategy Agency should build upon lessons from past models that have been successful in catalyzing multiple entities to collaborate and co-seed technical initiatives.

Calls for top-down coordination can misunderstand the complexity of the national innovation system and the ways that bottom-up coordination already happens within bayer ltd system. In the semiconductor industry, SEMATECH, SRC, and the National Nanotechnology Initiative (NNI) offer examples of bottom-up coordination from very different stages of scientific and technology development.

SEMATECH was originally a 50-50 government-industry public-private partnership to promote near-term equipment upgrades to increase competitiveness with Hep virus c. SRC is an industry-led public-private partnership that funds academic research three to seven hep virus c out to ensure research advances meet industry needs. NNI works to support and set priorities for more fundamental long-term research in nanoscale science and technology.

At SRC, industry leaders meet regularly with program managers from the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), the National Science Foundation (NSF), DARPA, and DOE as well as state leaders to decide on funding directions and co-fund complementary agendas under a single SRC program umbrella.



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